MIDDLETOWN, Pa. – Sandy Sinkovich, a retired X-ray technician, was a Republican registered until he changed the parties during Obama's years. He plans to vote for a direct democratic ticket in his midst. President Trump, he said, "has done nothing but destroy our country."
Dave Sweeney, who serves juice machines, who is registered as a Republican in 2016 after years of democracy, so that he can vote for Mr Trump in the primary school. He is worried about the migrant caravan and plans to vote for a Democratic party.
"No, I'm not a racist if I think you have to work for welfare, you have to work for food stamps," said Sweeney.
Few states have reflected the changing political subjugations of the Trump era more than Pennsylvania, which was the most populous of the three-aisled Rust Belt, that Trump turned in 2016. Along the road, the Republicans claimed 13 of the 18 seats in Pennsylvania.
Now, two years later, the wheel turns again. Because of the sick Republican candidates at the top of the state ticket and redesigned congressional areas, Democrats are set for gains – perhaps big ones – in Pennsylvania on Tuesday, including three or more women who could crush the House's delegation.
The shooting of 11 people in a Pittsburgh synagogue on Saturday gave the Pennsylvanians, like the Americans, the fervent rhetoric against President Trump's immigration to fuel the violence. But in an election era, when the Communists' attitudes were already good, it is not clear if the shooting will affect many votes. Congressional struggles around Pittsburgh are more settled than neighborhoods elsewhere.
"I think this is not primarily a political issue and I do not think voters think it as a political issue," said Mark Harris, a Pittsburgh Republican general. "I know everyone is so outraged about what happened, no matter if you're a Republican or a Republican."
This prize is still a way out, and in no way assured. Particularly worrying is a series of exceptionally competitive regions of the House, which, on election day, could serve as a precursor to the fight to control the House at national level.
Democrats are expected to take at least two Pennsylvania seats – and, in one hit, to six – that would push the party to the 23 packets needed for the majority of Congress.
Republican problems start with failure to nominate candidates for Governor and Senate with a broad appeal to moderate voters. Former Democrats, Governor Tom Wolf and Senator Bob Casey Jr., led to double-digit polls since the spring.
Their opponents – Lou Barletta, a conservative leader challenging Mr Casey, and Scott Wagner, a state senator who protests against Mr Wolf – are divisive numbers. Mr Wagner, who once said that if the state dismissed 10 percent of his teachers, they would not lose, a video was recorded that would boast that it would grind the golf spikes in Mr. Wolf's face.
Both challengers have failed to raise much money or become competitive enough to attract external spending.
The Republican Party leaders in Pennsylvania openly worry that candidate state candidates will reduce turnout, with a major impact on Congress elections and perhaps the size of democratic majority in the General Assembly in Harrisburg.
"There are many collateral damage that could arise from the existence of a very weak top of the ticket," said Harris, the Republican general.
The biggest blow, however, came when the Supreme Court of the Democratic-majority voted a Republican-filled congressional map at the beginning of this year.
The new map designed by the court reflects more closely the state balance between the Communists. Democrats are widely expected to make two posts previously held by Republicans in the suburbs of Philadelphia. Both candidates are women: Mary Gay Scanlon, lawyer, running in the Fifth Region, and Chrissy Houlahan, a veteran of the Air Force, competing in the sixth region.
In addition, Madeleine Dean, a representative of the state, is the Democratic candidate in the newly rebuilt Fourth District, also a suburban and open seat. Many of them were previously represented by a Democrat.
"The fourth, the fifth and the sixth will be transformed into a democratic, end of the passage," said G. Terry Madonna, a political scientist conducting Franklin & Marshall Poll of Pennsylvania.
Another possible take-off – and a possible fourth woman the state could send to Congress – is the seventh district in the Lehigh Valley. There, Susan Wild, a former Allentown official, is doing good polls against former Olympic cyclist Marty Nothstein.
Republicans do not have their own prospects. Another match in the Philadelphia suburb is matched by the newcomer, Brian Fitzpatrick, a Republican and former F.B.I. agent, against Scott Wallace, a wealthy philanthropist.
The region is focused on Bucks County, a rotating area that both Hillary Clinton and Senator Pat Toomey, a Republican, brought in 2016. Mr. Fitzpatrick won the support of AFC-KIOS. and firearms control teams. His campaign signals boast that he is "Ranked in # 1 More Independent Congressman Fredman."
But the Congressional struggle, which is stirring the most interest in recent days, is in the 10th Congressional District in southern central Pennsylvania, where spokesman Scott Perry, a conservative Republican, suddenly found himself in unstable waters.
Mr Perry is a member of the hard Right Eleutherosylaku in this House. He reunited from an area that Mr Trump won with 21 points to a president alleged by the nine and did little to address independent voters. A New York Times Upshot poll showed him with a two-tiered edge over his challenger, George Scott, the minister of Lutheran.
"It's a lot closer than it thought it would be a lot closer than it should be," said Charlie Gerow, a Republican general living in the area.
Here, as elsewhere, many voters see the vote as a referendum on Mr Trump.
46-year-old Jessica Kolaric, working with patients with dementia, said she did not know much about the congressional candidate, but that she was planning to vote for Mr Scott, the Democrat. "One has to keep Trump responsible and put him under control," he said.
The victory of Mr Trump's 44,000 votes in Pennsylvania, as well as in other areas of the rust belt, was the result of an unpredictable increase in voters who surprised the polls of voters attending college in the suburbs.
In a closer analysis, Mr Lamb's victory is largely due to the fact that suburban voters outside Pittsburgh were galvanized.
Mr Lamb was remodeled into a seat where he now faces a Republican establishment, Keith Rothfus. In September, the Democratic National Democratic Commission canceled his ad to support Mr Rothfus, a sign of the national party believes his chances are limited.
But it is too early to write the obituary of the Trump Democrats in western Pennsylvania, especially with regard to 2020.
An important bell tower is Erie County in northwestern Pennsylvania, which was won by Mr Trump in 2016 after decades of democratic sovereignty.
Ryan A. Bizzarro, a democratic state spokesman for Erie County, was shocked two years ago by how many of the democratic households whose door knocked out favored Mr Trump.
Mr. Bizzarro has reviewed many of the same homes this year. "I see many of the same Democratic voters on whom I spoke in 2016 and who voted in favor of President Trump, are returning to the degree," he said.
If a democratic wave turns into more than one tsunami, the official Republican leader representing Erie, Mike Kelly, could also be in a difficult situation.
However, even this scenario would not have fate for Mr Trump's prospects in Pennsylvania in 2020. Mr Madonna, the poll, has a reality that he likes to fall into talks about the state.
"There are three recent presidents who have had a horrible front," says Madonna to audiences. "Reagan, Clinton, and Obama, all three of whom won the re-election manually."