For decades, this city in Indiana's steel northwest has been voted a reputable Democrat, a blue pocket in a reddish state. Barack Obama made Porter County both in 2008 and 2012.
However, in 2016, Porter went to Donald Trump, one of the 206 Obama-Obama-Trump residents nationwide.
There have been many debates about Democrats' hopes to overturn the upgraded, moderate suburbs of the GOP this year, but counties such as Porter, many of whom are a white white working class, are also vital.
Indiana Democrat Joe Donnelly can not hold his seat in one of the Senate's closest matches in the country, unless men and women come back to the blue. In a Trump state that earned 19 points in 2016, and where the chairman has a 53% mark for approval in the latest Ball State University poll, Donnelly needs a big margin in the Northwest – "the region," as is well known.
The question, which is evident in a painful rally of the United Steelworkers syndicate on a recent Monday night in Chesterton, is precisely what can be regained this time by a trusted region when unemployment in Indiana is negligible; Trump has granted the steelworks protective tariffs and many workers – class voters have doubts about the views of the national party on social issues.
"Some of you may not like what I have to say, that's simply too bad," says union president Leo Gerard, and then comes the punchline: "I think Dr Ford!"
It is the effort of the labor leader to guarantee Donnelly what his biggest point of sensitivity is: the vote of "no" for the appointment of Brett M. Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court.
Donnelly, born in New York but an Indian from college and law school at Notre Dame, is an old-fashioned retail politician with the ability to shed complex issues with an understandable human term. He represented the northern central part of the state in Congress for three faces before defeating Richard Mourdock, a Republican tea party who had disrupted the moderate chief Richard G. Lugar in the primary government for the Senate in 2012. Donnelly can is the most conservative Democrat in the Senate, a recognized "life-pro" lawmaker who has won "A" ratings from the National Rifle Union. He embraces his vote for a border wall and, in the last days of the campaign, refused to rule out a law to change the citizenship of his right.
However, Donnelly's opponent, businessman Mike Braun, used Kavanaugh's vote to portray Donnelly as someone who is liberal when it really counts.
Referring to steelmakers, Donnelly does not mention either Kavanaugh or Trump. It sticks to the mainstay of democratic speech: healthcare and the efforts of the MFF to abolish the law on affordable care.
"What people do not want their fellow citizens to have health care?" He asks, with strong applause.
Then Donnelly takes care of me for an extensive discussion about the misery of soy farmers and tells me that before "the folks of the region" were ever voters Trump were voters of Joe Donnelly. "Expects to appreciate his votes in favor of Trump's court rulings, including Justice Neil M. Gorsuch.
Braun's victory over two colleagues meeting who threatened him with his GOP's primary prowlee a mood against the establishment in the state party that began with Mourdock. Braun explicitly embraces the president and told me at a brief meeting in Indianapolis that voters will see Donnelly's attempt to "disguise the poll".
The heel of Achilles Braun may be the suburbs of Indianapolis. Perhaps a 15-point margin is needed in this historic Democratic area, says Chad Kinsella, a political scientist. However, Trump's anti-immigration rhetoric has caused concern among moderate voters studying in college circles in the "Donut counties" surrounding the capital of the state.
"With the President's double drop in firing the democratic base, I'm worried about how many loose Republicans will be lost – they vote for Democrats or they do not vote at all," says Jim Brainard, mayor of Carmel, a rising community 92,000 just north of Indianapolis.
Brown seems indifferent. A few days after the massacre at a synagogue in Pittsburgh, I asked him to respond to those who connected the violence with Trump's rhetoric.
"Most people in the country like it on their agenda," he says. "When it comes to his style and so on, I think many people are still trying to overcome the election of" 16 "and show how they relate to the president."
The 2018 elections are a contest between the two parties overlapped in a conflict within each of them. Before our eyes, parties can exchange key constituencies, as the subpopulations tend to be blue and the workers in the industry are red. Joe Donnelly and Mike Braun both try to drive the crosscurrents.
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