US sanctions on Iran: tough talk and despair divide the streets of Tehran


The demonstration mentions the raid of Iranian students in 1979 at the embassy and the seizure of 54 US diplomats and citizens – an act that broke off relations between the two countries a few months after the US-backed Shah and Iran's seizure of Iran and its establishment Islamic Republic.

Near a protest platform where Iranian revolutionary head of Mohammad Ali Jafari is ready to give a speech, six men repeat a hostage scene. Everything but one is covered in silver. An actor wearing police glasses pulls his pistol by pointing him to a man painted in gold, a portrait of US President Donald Trab, who was holding on his face.

"I think Donald Trump is crazy and can not do us anything because we have Imam Khamenei and he is the best man I have ever seen in my life", the country's top leader Ali Khamenei.

"People gather here to confront America," says Mullah Mohammed, who refuses to reveal his full name for security reasons. The blue-eyed clergy stand against his back against a wall, as protesters carry banners and Trump pictures – depicted as a woman, an infant and, in one case, a turkey, flow in the past. "The American people are different from the state. The Big Satan is the government.

"It is true that sanctions are putting pressure on our innocent people, but our people are so persistent that they will pass through these hardships."

On Monday, the United States reiterated all sanctions against Iran that were lifted under the 2015 nuclear agreement, with some temporary exceptions. President Trab said on Sunday that it was "the strongest sanctions our country has ever issued".
After focusing mainly on Iran's automakers and aviation industry with penalties last August, the sanctions of 5 November hit the Iran oil and gas sector, the shipping industry and its banks. The ultimate aim of the measures, according to the Foreign Minister Mike Pompeo, is to bring Iran's oil exports to "zero".

Trumpa said he hopes the trap will force the Iranian government to renegotiate the 2015 nuclear energy agreement, which has relieved Iran of international sanctions in exchange for curbing enrichment of the uranium of the country. The multilateral agreement was struck with Iranian President Hassan Rujani, who threw his weight on maintaining the deal with the gathering of other governments that were party to the deal.

Despite repeated US State Department credentials that Iran was following the end of the deal, Trump's administration withdrew from the deal in May 2015. Trump described it as a "horrible, one-sided deal that should never have been done. "

The move has prompted the expulsion of international companies, including European giants Total and Airbus, from Iran. Riyal's value in Iran has fallen by about 70%, and inflation has sank.

Anti-American protestors are seen as coming from the harsh base of the government.

Although not foreign to the sanctions, Iran will face penalties with a slightly different taste this time. Unlike the multilateral sanctions of 2012 aimed at the administration of former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for the uranium enrichment program, Trump's goals are more controversial.

"Back in 2012 there was an agreement that was on the horizon and there was a ramp on all sides in a way of saving people," says Mohammed Ali Shabani, Iran's Pulse Founder on Al-Monitor's website.

"This time the agreement reached has been abolished and US demands go far beyond the nuclear issue to actually ask for the full coexistence of Iran," Shabani adds.

An image of the US President surrendered to the Tehran streets.

In recent months, Trouba has said he will be willing to hold talks with the Iranian leadership "whenever they want it". The renegotiation of the deal, he said, will address Iran's foreign policy as a whole, particularly its support with representative groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hutu's guerrillas in Yemen.

Iran's leadership has so far rejected Trump's corrections. Supreme Leader Khamenei has publicly banned "any talks" with the US.

"Nobody wants to negotiate with the Trump," says Mullah Mohammed. "Trump is useless to negotiate, because he is definitely crazy and can not trust. Even the Europeans do not trust Trump."

A renegotiation of the nuclear agreement, according to some analysts, would be an acknowledgment of the failure of the agreement even when Iran continues to comply with the agreement.

Sunday marks the 39th anniversary of the hostage crisis at the former US Embassy in Tehran and on Monday sees the US imposing new sanctions on the country.

"I think many people understand that the Ruhani government is either not responsible (for the sanctions) or has a small percentage of responsibility," says Iranian analyst Hamid Mousavi. "Iran has remained in the nuclear agreement even after the United States decides to withdraw, so many Iranians do not really see how they can fix this issue and see Donald Trump in charge."

Without a clear answer to the sanctions, Iran seems ready to face the storm, facing an imminent change in US leadership. "It is hard to see that ordinary Iranians as well as leadership are willing to give up their entire foreign policy for the sake of a US president who can spend in two years," Shabani says.

Meanwhile, the "resistance economy" – a term devised by Hammen – is a revival. The idea sees Iran's existence as the cornerstone of economic policy, allowing it to bypass western demands. The Iranian leadership has reiterated the terms in recent months.

A changing political landscape

But in the midst of the general contempt for Trump's policies, popular support for the Iranian government seems to be mitigated. Government-funded mergers are reduced in numbers and the hardline base appears to include an increasing population, demographically alongside the overwhelmingly new population of Iran.

In January, Iran was shocked by youth demonstrations across the country. The protesters were largely a working class, a group that usually considered the foundation of the conservative base of the government. Many destroyed posters of Iran's hierarchical leadership. The protests ended within a few weeks, but they hit the government's confidence in its broad support.

Women who complain about Iran's obligatory headscarf have grown in city squares almost on a monthly basis this year, defying a police scan of female protesters. In Friday prayers at the University of Tehran, where governmental Ayatollahs and military leaders deliver weekly sermons to supporters, the crowd has become smaller over the years.

A woman at the relatively affluent Tajrish Square in Tehran walks to a CNN crew who volunteers to talk to the camera. He says he predicts that the economy dominating the sanctions will remain in a difficult position for "as long as the leaders are in power", referring to Iran's ruling clergy.

Pedestrians are looking at the exchange rates in a shop window in Tehran on Saturday.

"Because we have no freedom, we can not do any work for our educated people," says the woman who asked to be recognized as an "Iranian citizen."

Nearby, 26-year-old Samin Dodangeh prefers to cast his hat-shaped scarf without missing the mandatory head-covering rule. She works as a waitress at a coffee shop while she is a graduate of Fine Arts at the Tehran University.

But since Trump has announced its withdrawal from the nuclear agreement, the materials it needs have become inaccessible. "I can not paint anymore," he says.

The situation, he says, has gone from bad to worse, and adds that it will support the recruitment of Trump's invitation to talks.

"People will be happy if there are negotiations, why would not they be happy?" says Dodangeh. "Look, I can not afford to rent a place I can not afford to buy a place I can not afford to buy accessories anymore I can not bear anything I have to work more and I can pay for less This is just sad. "

Homogeneous Maryam Golestani, 44, and Maryam Karami, 48, agree that the negotiations offer a way out of their difficulties.

"I am particularly worried about their new sanctions and concerns about the younger generation and their jobs," says Karami.

"Governments will have to negotiate. There must be real commitments and negotiations on both sides, and they must commit themselves not to suffer the Iranians to suffer," Golestani says.